The struggle of the Houthis and the masters.. Faisal Al-Sufi analyzes the Hashemite divisions and the mistakes of Abdul-Malik
English - Wednesday 19 October 2022 الساعة 03:27 pm
NewsYemen, written by/ Faisal Al-Sufi:
Saleh Habra, the former head of the political bureau of the Houthi group, has confirmed for nearly three years that the process of killing him is under consideration, and that some of the group’s leaders send him warning messages and threats, and that if he is still alive so far, this is due to the tribal weight that he leans on, not due to his long service to the group.
It will appear through the presentation of the following cases that doubt casts a shadow over them, or lets say that there are elements of confusion surrounding each one of them. The victims may have been killed by killers from the group, or other killers working for it for a wage, or sharing with it the desire to be redeemed from the victims, such as the organization Al-Qaeda, Majdi Al-Mutawakel, the main executor of the assassination of Dr. Ahmed Sharaf Al-Din, is a member of Al-Qaeda and belongs to a Hashemite family, and the slain man also belongs to a Hashemite family.
The member of the House of Representatives, the representative of the Houthi group in the National Dialogue Conference, Dr. Abdul Karim Jadban, was assassinated. Saleh Habra says that one of its members warned Jadban of an assassination a week or two before the operation that was carried out in November 2013 while he was in the Shawkani Mosque on Al Qiyadah Street.
Dr. Muhammad Abd al-Malik al-Mutawakil was assassinated in early November 2014, after surviving a run-over accident in 2011. After about six years, the Criminal Court of First Instance sentenced to death three members of al-Qaeda, for their participation in the killing of al-Mutawakel, and the case was submitted to the Court of Appeal only eight years later, the defendants’ lawyer argued for the nullity of the trial judgment and the appeal, especially with regard to the first accused, who said that he had not reached the legal age at the time of committing the crime, and Raydan Muhammad Abdul-Malik Al-Mutawakil denied from the beginning his knowledge of the trial or the completion of the investigation.
This confusion is getting more and more complicated With the statements of Dr. Al-Mutawakel in which he accused the Islah party and Ali Mohsen al-Ahmar of threatening him because of his refusal to militarize what was called the peaceful revolution - 2011, and then his opposition to Islah’s monopoly in power, after it was transferred to Hadi, and said that Islah is a party that wants partners without partnership, and its relationship with others is governed by backward ideological, sectarian, racist and regional remnants, and it wants to rule a country whose residents belong to different sects and intellectual currents, while excluding, persecuting and oppressing them!
The family of Abdul Karim Al-Khaiwani, who was assassinated in March 2015, adopted the same position that the Al-Mutawakel family adopted from the Criminal Prosecution and the ruling of the Criminal Court issued in 2022.
At the end of June 2021, the Specialized Criminal Court sentenced Magdi Al-Mutawakel to the death penalty after being convicted of killing the group’s representative at the National Dialogue Conference, Dr. Ahmed Sharaf Al-Din in January 2014, while the Specialized Criminal Court of First Instance had convicted Magdi Al-Mutawakel along with 14 other defendants of participation in the crime and belonging For al-Qaeda, those fourteen defendants had dropped out during the time period between the two tribunals.
Regarding the case of the assassination of the Minister of Youth and Sports, Hassan Zaid, at the end of October 2020, the controversy still exists today. The Ministry of Interior in the group’s government claimed that the perpetrator belonged to Al-Qaeda, and that he was killed on the same day while fleeing to one of the areas of Dhamar Governorate, while his brother Zaid and his daughter Sukaina accuse leaders in the group of inciting his murder and manipulating the case file.
The big question now: Why does the group seek to get rid of people who have always been known to work to serve it?
We don't claim to be able to provide a good answer, but most likely there are three main reasons:
The dynastic conflict within the Hashemite sect, the Hashemite does not unite but rather separates.
For example - and I apologize for any mistake in the following classification - there are gentlemen from the descendants of Hussein and Muhammad, the sons of al-Qasim bin Ibrahim al-Rasi, and from the descendants of Hussein: Yahya al-Hadi, and the Hamzat grandfather Abdullah al-Alam, from the descendants of Muhammad: Al-Qasim Al-Harazi and Abdullah, from the descendants of Yahya Al-Hadi: Ahmad Al-Nasir and Muhammad Al-Murtada.. And from the descendants of Ahmed Al-Nasser: Yahya Al-Mansour, Al-Qasim Al-Mukhtar, and Ali.
There are masters from the descendants of other men and they are many branches known today, such as Al-Houthi and Al-Ta’ifi, but their roles in government during the period leading up to the September 26, 1962 revolution were limited to lower-level jobs, or they were marginalized.
As for most of the influential Hassani gentlemen with authority and influence, they are from the offspring of the three mentioned before (Yahya Al-Mansour, Al-Qasim Al-Mukhtar, and Ali, the children of Ahmed Al-Nasir bin Yahya Al-Hadi) and Abdullah and from the descendants of Yusuf al-Da’i, the house of Sharaf al-Din, and the house of Imam al-Qasim bin Muhammad..and from this house came the houses of al-Mutawakkil, al-Mahdi, the house of Hadi Hamid al-Din, al-Mansur, al-Mu’ayyad.
These homes have become a target for the Houthi movement, which fears its rival on the strategic term.
And the conflict - also - has to do with influence and interests, and the Houthis have exaggerated in empowering their members to centers of influence, and therefore interests, and not to mention that five of the Houthi house control power in Sanaa.
The gentlemen in Sanaa oppose the incursion of Saada men in their city, and their robbery of private and public real estate, in addition to controlling the major commercial activities.
There is the important disagreement, and it is a disagreement about the political and administrative performance of the group. The decisions and directives related to the organizational and public affairs come from one party, which is the leader of the group, and this monopoly, which is accompanied by crushing political, economic and social mistakes, is not accepted by all the advisors, who believe that their participation in making and issuing the decision.
