brotherhood noise in the name of sovereignty to cover the shame of failure.. Al-Maamari is a model

English - Saturday 12 June 2021 الساعة 10:10 am
Taiz, NewsYemen, special:

 

During the past three years, targeting the coalition countries - the UAE first and Saudi Arabia now - has become a routine action by the Brotherhood in Yemen through its tools and media machine.

The titles and names of this Brotherhood targeting differ from one period to another, with repeated stories and various accusations, but the purpose of it revolves around one idea, which is to hold the coalition and the state responsible for the failure to resolve the battle against the Houthi militia and the state of deterioration and collapse in the liberated areas

As for the legitimacy that the group controls its decision, the alliance, according to the Brotherhood theory, also bears the responsibility for its failure, as its leadership is robbed of the will and under house arrest by the coalition, as the prominent Brotherhood leader Hamid al-Ahmar said in a recent press interview.

According to this Brotherhood theory, it is natural for a former or current official in the legitimacy to appear at the forefront of the attack against the Arab coalition under the pretext of sovereignty, despite his bad experience in the position. Rather, his attack turns into an “eraser” for these evils.

A living example of this is Member of Parliament Ali Al-Maamari, who is at the forefront of the Brotherhood's campaign against the Arab coalition over allegations that there are bases for the UAE on Mayon Island, located on Bab al-Mandab.

Al-Maamari escalated his activity in this campaign in an unprecedented way with violent statements against the coalition and the UAE in particular, and reached the point of incitement against it, as he claimed that its presence in Mayon "is a real danger to the seven countries bordering the Red Sea."

In a strange contradiction, Al-Maamari called on the Egyptians to attend in Mayon, as well as to activate the Saudi role in the security of the Red Sea, declaring his welcome for the presence of any forces on the island “that come with the approval of the legitimate Yemeni government,” in a hint and an indirect invitation to a Turkish presence on the island.

This sharp tone from Al-Maamari hides his disastrous experience as the governor of Taiz for more than two years, which represented the nucleus of the catastrophic scene that the province is experiencing today, as seen by many of the people of the province.

Moreover, the man's experience has become the subject of ridicule and ridicule as the "expatriate governor" or "non-resident governor." The man did not stay inside the governorate for more than one month out of the 27 months that he remained in the position of governor of Taiz.

From mid-January 2016 to early May 2018, Al-Maamari remained a nominal governor from afar, moving between Aden and Egypt, leaving the administration of the province to the civil and military leaders of the Brotherhood.

The man’s period represented the stage of the real establishment of the Brotherhood’s state in Taiz, and the scene of chaos and absurdity that Taiz suffers from today. His appointment came at a sensitive time and in the midst of the liberation battles and the beginning of the stage of restoring state institutions and integrating the resistance formations into the army that required the presence of a governor and a strict personality.

However, the role the man played came according to what the Brotherhood had set for him. His role was limited to issuing appointment decisions for its members in the joints of the state in Taiz, in violation of the laws and the minimum standards and controls in an unprecedented manner.

Al-Maamari released the Brotherhood’s hand to seize the joints of matters in Taiz, civilly, security and militarily, and to establish their own state in the governorate, and turn it into a military base, comprising thousands of fighters, overlooking Bab al-Mandab.

Al-Maamari left the affairs of Taiz to the Brotherhood and profited from it through the fake “liberation” battles of the coalition and the government, in exchange for the silence about his corruption in the governorate’s allocations and in huge numbers amounting to millions of riyals, confirmed by a shocking statement by the press secretary of the former Prime Minister Ibn Dagher and on the screen of the Brotherhood’s “Suhail” channel, two months after his dismissal  Maamari.

Al-Sharif responded to Al-Maamari's accusations of not supporting Taiz by saying that the man received 500 million riyals from the government to support health, and 500 million riyals to support security, in addition to 100 million monthly operating budgets for executive offices.

Al-Maamari’s experience provides the real background behind the scene of failure that the Brotherhood and its tools inside and outside legitimacy are trying to cover up with their ongoing media campaigns against the Arab coalition countries and their allies on the ground.

The man’s experience clearly says that the scene of military failure in the battle against Al-Houthi and administratively in the liberated areas is nothing but a natural product of the deliberate misuse and corruption of legitimacy and the Brotherhood, which controls its decision.